曼德拉的繼承者 | 紐約時報
原標題：曼德拉的繼承者 | 紐約時報
"They Eat Money": How Mandela"s Political Heirs Grow Rich Off Corruption
A dairy farm turned out to be a classic South African fraud, prosecutors say: Millions of dollars from state coffers, meant to uplift the poor, vanished in a web of bank accounts controlled by politically connected companies and individuals. Joao Silva/The New York Times
With loudspeakers blaring, city officials drove across the black township』s dirt roads in a pickup truck, summoning residents to the town hall. The main guest was a local figure who had soared up the ranks of the governing African National Congress and come back with an enticing offer.
坐在皮卡上的城市官員們穿行在這個黑人鎮子的土路上，擴音器高聲鳴叫，呼喚居民到市政廳去。主賓算是當地的一個人物，他一躍成為執政的非洲國民大會（非國大
）高官，如今帶著誘人的條件回來了。
Over the next few hours, the visiting political boss, Mosebenzi Joseph Zwane, sold them on his latest deal: a government-backed dairy farm that they, as landless black farmers, would control. They would get an ownership stake in the business, just by signing up.
隨後幾個小時，到訪的政治大佬莫斯班齊·約瑟夫·茲瓦內兜售他最新的主張：政府支持的一個奶場項目，由無地黑人農民控制，只要簽個字，就能擁有股份。
They would go to India for training, all expenses paid. To hear him tell it, the dairy would bring jobs to the impoverished, help build a clinic and fix the roads.
他們將赴印度受訓，所有費用免單。照他說，奶場將給窮人帶來工作，幫助他們建診所並修路。
「He said he wanted to change our lives,」 said Ephraim Dhlamini, who, despite suspicions that the offer was too good to be true, signed up to become a 「beneficiary」 of the project. 「This thing is coming from the government, free of charge. You can』t say you don』t like this thing. You must take it.」
「他說他想改變我們的生活，」伊夫拉姆·達拉米尼說。他不太相信這些條件，太好了肯定不會是真的，但他還是簽字成為該項目的「受益人」。「這件好事是政府做的，免費。你不能說你不喜歡這事。好意你必須領了。」
But, sure enough, his instincts were right.
但可以肯定，他的直覺是對的。
The dairy farm turned out to be a classic South African fraud, prosecutors say: Millions of dollars from state coffers, meant to uplift the poor, vanished in a web of bank accounts controlled by politically connected companies and individuals.
檢察官說，奶場不過是典型的南非騙局：國庫拿出數百萬美元，旨在讓人們脫貧，結果錢消失在銀行賬戶網路中，這些賬戶由有政治背景的公司和個人控制。
The money from an array of state contracts like this one helped pay for a lavish wedding that a top executive at KPMG, the international accounting firm, described as 「an event of the millennium,」 according to leaked emails. And Mr. Zwane, continuing his meteoric rise, soon leaped to the national stage to become South Africa』s minister of mineral resources.
泄露的電郵顯示，此類國家合同中的錢用來籌辦豪華婚禮，國際會計師事務所畢馬威一名高管將婚禮稱為「千年一遇的場面」。茲瓦內先生繼續步步高升，很快登上全國舞台，成為南非礦產資源部部長。
Almost nothing trickled down to the township or the scores of would-be beneficiaries after that first meeting in 2012. The only local residents to get a free trip to India were members of a church choir headed by Mr. Zwane.
2012年第一次開會後，幾乎沒有一毛錢流到鎮子上或那幾十名受益人手中。幾個免費去了印度的當地居民都是茲瓦內先生領導的教會合唱團成員。
In the generation since apartheid ended in 1994, tens of billions of dollars in public funds — intended to develop the economy and improve the lives of black South Africans — have been siphoned off by leaders of the A.N.C., the very organization that had promised them a new, equal and just nation.
1994年種族隔離結束後的一代人中，數百億旨在發展經濟並改善南非黑人生活的公款被非國大領導人吸走，這一組織曾經承諾構建一個平等和正義的新國家。
Corruption has enriched A.N.C. leaders and their business allies — black and white South Africans, as well as foreigners. But the supposed beneficiaries of many government projects, in whose names the money was spent, have been left with little but seething anger and deepening disillusionment with the state of post-apartheid South Africa.
腐敗肥富了非國大領導人和他們的商業盟友，既有黑人，也有南非白人，還有外國人。但許多政府項目的所謂受益人，錢是以他們名義花的，可他們幾乎落不著，只剩下對後隔離南非現狀的滿腔怒火和深深的幻滅感。
While poverty has declined since the end of apartheid, inequality has risen in a society that was already one of the world』s most unequal, according to a recent report by the World Bank and the South African government.
儘管種族隔離結束後貧困得以改善，不平等卻上升，世界銀行和南非政府最近一份報告稱，這是世界上最不平等的社會之一。
South Africa has a large, advanced economy, an aggressively free press and a wealth of independent organizations and scholars who keep a close watch on government malfeasance. But even with its vibrant democracy, in which the details of corruption schemes are routinely aired and condemned by the news media and opposition politicians, graft has engulfed the country.
南非擁有龐大且先進的經濟，相當自由的媒體和大量獨立的機構和學者密切監察著政府不端行為。可即便一個如此生機勃勃的民主國家，即便腐敗陰謀的細節時常被新聞媒體揭批，腐敗還是吞噬了國家。
Jacob Zuma, center, the former president of South Africa, appeared in court in Durban this month for a hearing on corruption charges. Felix Dlangamandla/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images
The nation was governed for nine years by the scandal-plagued President Jacob Zuma, whose close ties with the Gupta family — three Indian brothers at the helm of a sprawling business empire built on government contracts, including the dairy farm — outraged voters. Their cozy relationship contributed to the A.N.C.』s recent electoral losses and helped lead to Mr. Zuma』s ouster two months ago.
醜聞纏身的總統雅各布·祖瑪統治南非九年，他與印度的古普塔家族關係密切，這讓選民怒不可遏，該家族的三兄弟掌管著巨大的商業帝國，其根基是拿到政府合同，其中包括這個奶場。他們的親密關係是非國大選舉失利的原因，兩個月前，祖馬先生被推翻。
Promising a 「new dawn,」 Mr. Zuma』s replacement, Cyril Ramaphosa, has said that he would make fighting corruption a priority as the nation』s new president. But he is also a veteran A.N.C. insider, and the early signs have not been encouraging.
替代祖馬先生的西里爾·拉馬弗薩承諾開啟一個「新黎明」，他說擔任新總統後，反腐將成為頭號要務，但他也是非國大圈子裡的人，最初的跡象並不令人歡欣。
Having become party leader by a razor-thin margin, Mr. Ramaphosa has tried to keep together a fractured A.N.C. by moving cautiously. He formed his first cabinet by appointing some well-respected officials, but also included allies — his own and Mr. Zuma』s — who have been accused of corruption by the Public Protector』s office and good governance groups. Beyond that, politicians who long oversaw provinces rife with public corruption, including the one where the dairy farm is, now sit at the top of the A.N.C.』s hierarchy.
以微弱優勢成為黨魁的拉馬福薩先生嘗試小心翼翼地彌合分裂的非國大。他組建了首個內閣，任命一些備受尊敬的官員，但也包括一些自己和祖馬的盟友，檢察院和主張善治的組織控告他們涉嫌腐敗。不止如此，長期主政腐敗叢生省份的政客也坐上了非國大的高位，其中就包括農場所在地的官員。
National prosecutors, often criticized for being servile to the sitting president, say they are trying to recover more than $4 billion lost to corruption related to the Gupta family』s undue influence on Mr. Zuma』s administration.
經常被批評對在任總統點頭哈腰的國家檢察官說，他們正設法沒收古普塔家族向祖馬政府施加不當影響而獲得的超過40億美元貪腐款。
And that is just a small measure of the corruption that has whittled away at virtually every institution in the country, including schools, public housing, the police, the power utility, South African Airways and state enterprises overseeing everything from rail service to the defense industry.
可這不過是冰山一角，國家整個體制都有貪腐款被揩走——學校、公共住房、警察、電力、南非航空、運營從鐵路到防務各個部門的國有企業。
Almost no one comes out of this looking good.
幾乎沒有好人。
At just under $21 million, the money lost in the Vrede dairy farm may seem small. But it is a big test of whether South Africa』s new government has the power and the will to confront public corruption at its source.
從農場颳走的還不到2100萬美元，只是毛毛雨，但此案成為南非新政府的巨大考驗，即他們是否有權力和意志從源頭對抗政府腐敗。
The police have apprehended some low- and midlevel officials involved in the dairy farm, the first arrests related to a high-profile case of public corruption during the Zuma presidency.
警方已經拘捕了一些與農場有關的中低級官員，這是祖馬任總統期間第一次逮捕這件備受矚目的政府腐敗大案中的涉案人。
But notably, they have yet to pursue any A.N.C. officials. Mr. Zwane has not faced any charges. What』s more, the provincial premier who approved the project, Ace Magashule, was recently elected secretary general of the A.N.C., elevating him to the top ranks of the party』s leadership.
可值得注意的是，他們還沒有追究任何一個非國大官員。茲瓦內先生並未面臨指控。另外，批准這一項目的省長亞奇·馬咖舒樂最近當選為非國大秘書長，進入該黨最高層。
The endless scandals have also raised serious questions about the complicity of major Western companies, with multiple investigations scrutinizing the role they may have played in enabling corruption and weakening the country』s institutions.
接連不斷的醜聞讓人們開始嚴重質疑西方公司參與共謀，多項調查徹底揭露了它們在縱容腐敗和削弱該國體制方面發揮的作用。
South African regulators have urged the police to begin a criminal inquiry into McKinsey, the American consulting giant, over its relationship with a Gupta-linked company in a contract involving a state-owned utility. A South African court has frozen the $83 million McKinsey was paid for the contract, and the firm says it will return the fee.
南非監管者敦促警方對麥肯錫進行調查，在一項國有設施合同中，美國諮詢業巨頭與古普塔關聯的一家公司有關。南非法庭已經凍結該合同向麥肯錫支付的8300萬美元，該公司表示將返還收費。
Regulators say they have also pressed the police to investigate KPMG, the Big Four auditing firm based in the Netherlands, for its work for the national revenue service in 2015. KPMG has acknowledged that elements of the work 「should no longer be relied upon」 and offered to pay back its consulting fees.
監管者說，他們還施壓警方調查位於荷蘭的四大會計師事務所之一畢馬威，2015年，該公司為南非從事國民收入服務。畢馬威承認他們的工作「不可靠」，並提議退回諮詢費用。
SAP, the German software behemoth, is being investigated by the United States Department of Justice and the Securities and Exchange Commission after it disclosed payments to intermediaries on state contracts that may have contravened the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act.
德國軟體巨頭思愛普正接受美國司法部和證券交易委員會調查，此前有人披露該公司曾向中間人付款以獲取國有合同，這可能違反了《外國腐敗行為法》。
International banks have been ensnared in the scandals, too. HSBC and Standard Chartered have been accused by a British lawmaker of laundering the Guptas』 ill-gotten gains. HSBC says it has closed a number of accounts that belonged to front companies operated by the Gupta family.
國際銀行也深陷醜聞。一個英國議員指控滙豐和渣打為古普塔家族洗錢。滙豐表示已經公布了一些屬於古普塔家族掩護公司的賬號。
A statue of Nelson Mandela in Pretoria. While Mr. Mandela is still revered in the West, his legacy is regarded more harshly in South Africa, especially by young blacks. Daniel Berehulak for The New York Times
Many trace the deep corruption in the nation to a fundamental flaw in South Africa』s transition from white rule to democracy a generation ago. In the grand bargain struck between the apartheid government and the A.N.C., headed by Nelson Mandela, a transfer of power was carried out peacefully, disproving predictions of civil war and earning Mr. Mandela accolades as a visionary peacemaker.
很多人認為南非腐敗嚴重，說到底是一代人之前南非從白人統治轉變為民主國家過程中存在的根本缺陷。種族隔離政府同尼爾遜·曼德拉領導的非國大達成了大妥協，權力和平交接，沒有像預計那樣爆發內戰，這為曼德拉先生贏得美譽，人們稱他為高瞻遠矚的和平締造者。
But the deal was reached on what many South Africans today consider Pyrrhic terms: The black majority was allowed to control politics, but much of the country』s economic resources, including land, has remained in the hands of white South Africans and a small group of other elites.
但在今天許多南非人看來，達成的協議付出了巨大代價：占人口大多數的黑人允許控制政治，但該國包括土地在內的許多經濟資源仍然在南非白人和一小撮精英手中。
In the early years of A.N.C. rule, Mr. Mandela and other top leaders, who had helped defeat apartheid but had no personal savings, received houses, vehicles and money from white business leaders — essentially bribes, critics say.
曼德拉先生和其他高級領導人打敗了種族隔離，但他們沒有個人存款。批評者說，在非國大統治南非早年間，他們從白人商界領袖那裡收受房產、汽車和錢財，主要以賄賂的形式。
A smattering of influential figures, like the current president, Mr. Ramaphosa, amassed extraordinary wealth. They were allowed to buy shares of white-owned companies on extremely generous terms and invited to sit on corporate boards. They acted as conduits between the governing party and the white-dominated business world.
少數有影響力的人物，包括現任總統拉馬羅薩先生，都聚斂了非同一般的財富。他們得以用極端優惠的條件購買白人公司的股份，受邀進入公司董事會。他們成為執政黨通向白人商業世界的管道。
Some of the A.N.C. leaders who were left out of that bonanza quickly found a new road to wealth: lucrative government contracts. The public tap became a legitimate source of wealth for the well connected, but also a wellspring of corruption and political patronage, much as it had been for the white minority during apartheid.
一些失去那種取財之道的非國大領導人很快找到了新的發財手段——利潤豐厚的政府合同。公款成為有關係者的合法財源，也成為腐敗和政治蔭庇的源泉，正如種族隔離時期少數白人享受的待遇。
Over the years, Mr. Zuma and his allies, while never admitting corruption, often played down its corrosive effect on society and emphasized the need to redistribute wealth to black South Africans. It is an argument that Mr. Zuma is expected to make in defending himself against recently reinstated charges of corruption in an arms deal from the late 1990s.
這些年來，從不承認貪腐的祖馬先生及其盟友不常提及腐敗對社會的不良影響，只強調要重新分配財富，向南非黑人傾斜。九十年代末的一項軍售合同涉嫌腐敗的案件最近重啟，預計祖馬先生將用上述理由為自己辯護。
While Mr. Mandela is still revered in the West, his legacy is regarded more critically in South Africa, especially by some young black people. To them, he sold out the country』s black masses to the white business elite.
曼德拉先生在西方仍然受到尊崇，但他的遺產卻越來越多地受到本國批判，尤其是年輕黑人。對他們而言，他將國家大多數黑人的利益出賣給白人商業精英。
Even some of Mr. Mandela』s longtime supporters struggle to defend the deal that he struck to bring democracy to South Africa. Ultimately, it left most black people in poverty while benefiting a small elite, including the chief negotiator during the talks, Mr. Ramaphosa.
甚至曼德拉先生的一些長期支持者也很難捍衛他給南非帶來民主的那個協議。說到底，那讓多數黑人深陷貧困，只讓少數精英受益，其中包括談判過程中的首席談判者拉馬福薩先生。
After 27 years as a political prisoner, Mr. Mandela did not understand South Africa』s political economy and agreed to a settlement that failed to secure black South Africans』 economic independence, said Mamphela Ramphele, an anti-apartheid activist who became close to Mr. Mandela. She later went on to serve as a managing director of the World Bank.
與曼德拉先生很親近的反隔離活動人士馬穆菲拉·拉穆菲勒說，做了27年的政治犯，曼德拉先生不明白南非的政治經濟學，於是同意了一種無法確保南非黑人經濟獨立的解決方案。
「He didn』t know any better,」 Ms. Ramphele said.
「他一無所知。」拉穆菲勒說。
Workers building a house in Thembalihle, a township that borders Vrede in Free State. In many townships in South Africa, the level of local corruption can be quickly gauged by the quality of government housing for the poor. Joao Silva/The New York Times
Entrenched Inequalities
The dairy farm case is emblematic of the many ills afflicting South Africa a quarter-century after the end of apartheid. It shows how corruption, in a government controlled at all levels by a single party, has entrenched old racial inequalities.
奶場案象徵著種族隔離結束後困擾南非達25年的眾多病症之一。它表明在被一個政黨完全控制著的政府中，腐敗如何在舊的種族不平等中紮根。
About 125 miles southeast of Johannesburg, in the province of Free State, Vrede is a small farming town with discount chain stores, two supermarkets and a gas station. A cemetery and a police station — buffers during the apartheid era — still separate Vrede from the neighboring black township of Thembalihle.
福里德位於約翰內斯堡東南約125英里的自由邦，是一個農業小鎮，有打折連鎖店、兩家超級市場和一個加油站。種族隔離時代的緩衝區——一個公墓和一個警察局依舊將福里德與旁邊的黑人城鎮辛巴萊爾鎮分割開來。
As in so many other townships, the level of local corruption can be quickly gauged by the quality of government housing for the poor. In one of the most common sources of corruption, money and building materials are diverted from a housing project, often leaving behind shoddy dwellings for poor residents who have waited years or decades to move out of shacks.
和許多其他鎮子一樣，當地腐敗程度可以立馬通過政府的窮人安置房質量看出來。從一項建築工程中拿錢、拿建築材料，這是腐敗的常見來源之一，最後就建成豆腐渣工程，而窮人們等了多年甚至幾十年才從棚戶區搬出來，卻住進這種劣質建築中。
In a new outpost of the township, single-family government houses were so poorly built that many have collapsed, while new houses are being erected on shaky foundations and frames, with deep cracks spreading across extremely thin walls.
鎮里一個新村落里，獨棟政府樓質量很差，許多都倒塌了，新樓又在不牢靠的地基和框架上建造起來，極薄的牆上布滿深深的裂縫。
In many ways, the area is a microcosm of the enduring economic imbalance in South Africa. Nationally, black people make up 80 percent of the population, but most remain shut out of economic opportunities. White people, accounting for 8 percent, retain an oversize influence on the economy.
在許多方面，該地區都是南非經濟持久失衡的縮影。全國黑人佔總人口的八成，可大多數與經濟機會絕緣。白人佔8%，卻仍對該國經濟有著不成比例的巨大影響。
Nearly all of the commercial farmers around Vrede are white, as is the main government contractor. In the adjoining township, black people operate small taverns and basic carwashes. But in the town of Vrede itself, white people still own all of the faded buildings on the main street, where they — along with immigrants from other African nations and countries like Pakistan and Bangladesh — operate shops. Black people, who were not allowed to live in the town under apartheid, now own or rent only about 10 percent of its residences.
福里德附近幾乎所有的經營性農民是白人，他們是主要的政府合同商。旁邊的鎮子里，黑人經營著小酒館和簡單的洗車行。可福里德鎮子內，白人依然擁有所有主街上的破舊建築，他們和其他非洲國家和巴基斯坦、孟加拉國等國的移民一起在這裡經營商店。種族隔離時代，黑人不允許住在鎮上，現在只擁有或租賃了約10%的住宅。
Vrede is a small farming town with discount chain stores, two supermarkets and a gas station. There is only one store in town operated by black South Africans. Joao Silva/The New York Times
「This system that was built for us, blacks, it』s very difficult for us to create our own businesses,」 said Veli Thulani Tshabalala, 29, who runs a computer and cellphone repair shop with his cousin. They are the only black South Africans to operate a store in Vrede.
「體製為我們而建，黑人，我們做自己的生意卻很難，」29歲的維力·圖拉尼·沙巴拉拉說。他和表弟經營一家電腦和手機維修店，南非黑人中只有他們是在福里德開店。
Pieter Bergh, 83, a white South African who served on Vrede』s City Council in the years immediately before and after the end of apartheid, agreed that little has changed for black South Africans since 1994 and that the economic inequality has remained static.
種族隔離結束前，83歲的皮埃特·伯格就開始在福里德市政廳任職，這位南非白人承認自1994年以來，南非黑人的境遇基本沒有改變，經濟不平等狀況依然沒有變化。
「They only received the power to vote — that was all,」 Mr. Bergh said, adding that he 「definitely」 considered that a historical mistake.
「他們只是有了投票權，僅此而已，」伯格說，還說他「肯定地」認為那是一種歷史錯誤。
In the late 1990s, officials were purged from city government and replaced by A.N.C. appointees with little experience. The purge, which occurred at all levels of government across the nation, contributed to the corruption that emerged toward the end of Mr. Mandela』s term.
九十年代後期，原來的官員被清除出市政府，非國大任命了一些毫無經驗的人取而代之。這種清洗髮生在全國各個層面，導致曼德拉先生執政末期出現腐敗。
Here in Free State, one of the first post-apartheid cases of corruption in government revolved around Mr. Magashule, the A.N.C.』s current secretary general.
在自由邦，後種族隔離時代第一批政府腐敗案件就涉及馬咖舒樂先生，非國大現任秘書長。
Mr. Magashule, now 59, has served as the party』s leader in Free State since the very end of apartheid in 1994. He grew up in Parys, a small town in the province. During apartheid, he was an underground A.N.C. operative whose boldness caught the attention of Winnie Mandela, Nelson』s wife and an anti-apartheid activist.
現年59歲的馬咖舒樂自從1994年種族隔離結束後就擔任自由邦非國大黨黨魁。他在該省的小鎮帕里斯長大。種族隔離時代，他是非國大的地下黨員，他行事勇敢，獲得曼德拉妻子、反種族隔離活動者溫妮·曼德拉的注意。
After white rule ended, he oversaw economic development in the cabinet of the first post-apartheid provincial premier, Mosiuoa Lekota. In an interview, Mr. Lekota said he had caught Mr. Magashule stealing government funds — a charge that Mr. Magashule, whose spokespeople did not respond to interview requests for this article, has long denied.
白人統治結束後，他在後種族隔離時代的第一任省長摩蘇阿·雷克塔內閣中主管經濟發展事務。接受採訪時，雷克塔先生說他抓到馬咖舒樂先生偷政府的錢，馬咖舒樂先生一直否認這一指控，他的發言人沒有對本文作者的採訪請求做出回應。
Mr. Lekota said he had fired Mr. Magashule, but was overruled by his patron, the A.N.C.』s deputy secretary general at the time: Mr. Zuma.
雷克塔先生說他解僱了馬咖舒樂先生，但被他的老闆、當時非國大的副秘書長祖馬先生否決了。
Ace Magashule, the African National Congress secretary general, has served as the party』s leader in Free State since the end of apartheid in 1994. Joao Silva/The New York Times
In the early days after the end of apartheid, Mr. Zuma openly complained about the A.N.C. leaders who were getting rich. Most — like Mr. Ramaphosa and Tokyo Sexwale, another anti-apartheid activist — were favorites of Mr. Mandela.
種族隔離結束之初，祖馬先生公開抱怨富裕起來的非國大領導人，大多數人是曼德拉的親信，包括拉馬福薩先生和塞克斯威爾先生。
「Zuma did go to some of the other guys and said to them, 『This is what Mandela is doing. We must wake up and we must go for the money ourselves,』 」 said Mr. Lekota, who left the A.N.C. to found his own party, the Congress of the People, in 2008.
「祖馬確實找其他人說，這是曼德拉乾的事，我們必須醒醒了，我們必須自己找錢，」離開非國大、2008年組建自己政黨「人民大會」的雷克塔先生說。
Mr. Magashule went on to flourish inside Free State. He became premier of the province in 2009 just as Mr. Zuma became president.
馬咖舒樂先生繼續在自由邦發財，他在2009年成為該省省長，當年祖馬先生成為總統。
Like other powerful premiers, he was able to turn his province into a fief, said Mr. Lekota and several provincial officials from the A.N.C., as well as its historical ally, the South African Communist Party.
與其他權勢熏天的省長一樣，他把該省變成自己的封地，雷克塔先生和非國大和非國大歷史上的盟友南非共產黨的幾個省內官員這樣說。
Taxes are mostly collected by the national government, and the money is redistributed to the provinces, where it is spent with little oversight. Free State — a rural economy where black people remain dependent on the A.N.C. for jobs and government contracts — has remained a stronghold for the party even as it has lost support among middle-class black voters in urban areas.
稅務主要由國家徵收，錢分配給各省，各省基本就是亂花。自由邦是一個農村經濟體，黑人仍然依靠非國大找工作並拿到政府合同，該省仍然是非國大的堡壘，儘管城市地區的黑人中產階級已經不支持非國大了。
Mr. Magashule』s ambitions, however, were never confined to the province. Like Mr. Zuma, he forged a relationship with the Gupta brothers, who had befriended some high-ranking A.N.C. figures after arriving in South Africa from their native India in the early 1990s. Mr. Magashule』s son, Tshepiso, worked for the Guptas, and, according to emails leaked from a Gupta-company server, served as a conduit to his father』s office.
但馬咖舒樂先生的野心從不限於省內。和祖馬先生一樣，他打通了和古普塔兄弟的關係，古普塔兄弟和非國大的一些高層人物是好朋友，古普塔兄弟在九十年代早期就從老家印度來到南非。馬咖舒樂的兒子策皮索為古普塔工作，根據古普塔公司伺服器泄露的郵件顯示，他是公司直通父親辦公室的管道。
Under Mr. Magashule』s governance, many of the province』s public services departments teetered on the brink of insolvency, according to A.N.C. officials and opposition parties. In a harsh report in 2017, the national auditor said that Free State』s government showed 「a lack of accountability and commitment towards clean administration,」 adding that the situation had worsened in recent years.
非國大官員和反對黨人士說，在馬咖舒樂先生的治理下，該省許多公共部門都處在破產的邊緣。2017年一份嚴厲的報告中，國家審計官員表示，自由邦的治理「缺乏建立廉潔政府的責任感和使命感」，並表示近年來情況持續惡化。
「If you find that the one who is supposed to be the custodian of the purse like the premier — he is the one who is involved in corrupt practices — it becomes easy then for others also to get involved,」 said Thabo Manyoni, an A.N.C. official in Free State who was once a close friend and deputy of Mr. Magashule.
「如果你發現省長這種應該管好錢包的人，他自己涉嫌腐敗行為，其他人當然也無所顧忌，」自由邦的非國大官員塔博·曼約尼說。曼約尼曾經是馬咖舒樂先生的副手和親密朋友。
「You end up in a situation where nobody is able to stop anyone else because we all are doing it,」 Mr. Manyoni said.
「結果任何人能沒法阻止任何人，因為全都不幹凈，」曼約尼說。
The dairy farm in Vrede, part of a corruption case that has fanned outrage across South Africa. Joao Silva/The New York Times
Suspicions From the Start
To many, the dairy farm project appeared to be a swindle from the beginning.
For starters, there were ample suspicions about the pitchman, Mr. Zwane.
「I know this guy,」 said Mr. Dhlamini, the would-be beneficiary who was also the chairman of Vrede』s arm of the African Farmers Association, a national organization for black farmers. 「I don』t trust him.」
對許多人而言，奶場項目從一開始是就像是個騙局。一開始加入的人看來，推銷人茲瓦內就問題多多。「我知道這個人，」該國黑人農民組織非洲農民聯合會福里德分會主席德拉米尼先生說。他也是本來應該受益的成員之一。「我不信任他。」
As he climbed the political ranks, Mr. Zwane often came back to Thembalihle, the black township next to Vrede. Sometimes, he doled out fistfuls of cash from the trunk of his latest luxury car, said A.N.C. and opposition politicians, as well as many residents.
一路官運亨通的茲瓦內先生經常回到辛巴萊爾鎮——福里德鎮旁邊的黑人鎮。非國大和反對黨政客以及許多當地居民說，有時，他會從新買的豪車上灑幾把現鈔。
Throughout the township and town, many people shared the same wariness of Mr. Zwane. His meteoric rise had been too fast and seemed tied to the corruption taking hold in the A.N.C. and in Free State.
在整個鎮子內外，許多人都對茲瓦內先生持保留意見。他平步青雲，看起來就和遍布非國大和自由邦的腐敗脫不了干係。
Mr. Zwane grew up on a nearby farm and moved to Thembalihle in his teens. People remember him as an undistinguished student who, after high school, taught the children of black farm laborers in a nearby village where he met his future wife. The couple lived next to the school building, in a low, two-room concrete structure that is still used as a schoolteacher』s residence.
茲瓦內先生在附近農場長大，少年時搬到辛巴萊爾鎮。人們印象中他是個資質平平的孩子，高中後在附近村子裡給黑人農工的孩子們當老師，他在那裡遇到了未來的妻子。夫妻二人住在學校旁邊，這是一個低矮的水泥建築，有兩間屋子，現在仍然是教師宿舍。
There, villagers remember Mr. Zwane as an engaged teacher, at least until he became a district councilor and his interests turned to politics. Soon, Mr. Zwane rose swiftly in the party, as well as in local and district governments, thanks in great part to his close relationship with the province』s head of the A.N.C., Mr. Magashule, according to politicians in Free State. He joined Mr. Magashule』s cabinet in 2009 and a few years later took over the agriculture portfolio.
當地村民記得茲瓦內先生是個負責的老師，後來成為區議員，興趣轉向了政治。很快，茲瓦內先生在黨內、地方和區政府內迅速得到拔擢，自由邦的政客說，主要原因是他和非國大省領導人馬咖舒樂先生關係好。他2009年加入馬咖舒樂內閣，幾年後成為省農業部長。
When Mr. Zwane became the provincial minister of agriculture, many black farmers in Vrede rejoiced. Like others in the country, they had neither capital nor land. With a local son heading the province』s department of agriculture, they thought their 「lives were going to change,」 recalled Meshack Ncongwane, the deputy chairman of Vrede』s African Farmers Association.
茲瓦內先生成為省農業部長時，許多福里德的黑人農民歡欣鼓舞。同該國其他同胞一樣，他們既沒有錢，也沒有地。福里德非洲農民聯合會副主席米沙克·孔維恩回憶說，當地人的兒子進入該省農業部，他們以為「生活要改變了」。
A dozen black farmers from Vrede chartered a bus, each paying about $20, to attend Mr. Zwane』s swearing-in ceremony in the provincial capital, Bloemfontein, about four hours away. Even the association』s chairman, the skeptical Mr. Dhlamini, went along.
12個福里德黑人農民租了一輛大巴，每人掏了20美元，花了四個小時車程，去省府布隆方丹參加了茲瓦內先生的就職儀式。就連聯合會的主席德拉米尼先生也去了，雖然他疑慮重重。
South Africa』s minister of mineral resources, Mosebenzi Joseph Zwane, left, touring a gold mine in 2015. As Free State』s agriculture minister, he said the dairy farm project would empower black farmers and create 150 jobs. Waldo Swiegers/Bloomberg
「We were happy,」 Mr. Ncongwane said, adding, in hindsight, 「although we were happy for a crook.」
「我們當時很高興，」孔維恩先生說，事後想想，「儘管我們為一個惡棍感到高興。」
In 2012, Mr. Zwane and agricultural department officials arrived in Vrede to promote the dairy farm project. Flanked by the council speaker, Roseline Zwane, known as Topsy — who happened to be his wife — and by his longtime ally, Mayor Tlokotsi John Motaung, Mr. Zwane told the crowd about a dairy farm that would empower black farmers and create 150 jobs.
2012年，茲瓦內先生和農業部官員來到福里德推動奶場項目。同議會發言人、恰好是他的妻子羅斯琳·茲瓦內以及長期盟友托克次·約翰·默唐市長站在一起，茲瓦內先生對群眾宣傳了奶場，表示那將賦權給農民，並創造150個崗位。
Shortly afterward, his department signed the first of its two dairy farm agreements with a company called Estina. This was a peculiar choice. Estina was to buy cows for local farmers and process milk at the farm. But the company was headed by a businessman from India who had a background in information technology — not in farming. Yet, importantly, he had long worked for the Guptas.
很快，農業部與一家叫做愛斯蒂娜的公司簽署了第一份奶場協議，另外還有一份。這是一個奇怪的選擇。愛斯蒂娜計劃從當地農民手中買牛，然後在農場擠奶。可公司的老闆來自印度，其背景是信息技術而非農業。重要的是，他長期為古普塔公司工作。
Despite the project』s sketchy details, Mr. Zwane signed off on it and asked the provincial treasury to start paying Estina, according to an investigation by the National Treasury. Initially, he was overruled by lawyers in Mr. Magashule』s office, who deemed the contract invalid because procurement rules, like a competitive bid, had not been followed.
國家財政部的一項調查顯示，儘管該項目的細節草草，茲瓦內先生還是簽了字，並要求該省財政部門開始向愛斯蒂娜付款。一開始，馬咖舒樂辦公室的律師否決了該計劃，律師認為合同無效，原因是沒有履行採購規定，例如競標。
But that was only a hiccup. The province signed another contract with Estina the following month — this time with the lawyers』 blessing. That agreement stated that Estina would invest just under $20 million in the project and the province would contribute about $30 million over three years. Local farmers, the so-called beneficiaries, would retain 51 percent of the shares.
但那只是個小波折。過了一個月，該省和愛斯蒂娜簽下了另一個合同，這一次得到了律師的祝福。那份協議表明，愛斯蒂娜只對項目投資2000萬美元，該省將投資約3000萬美元。當地居民，所謂的受益人，將持有51%的股份。
There was 「something fishy」 from the start, said Doctor Radebe, who was a councilor for the opposition Democratic Alliance in Vrede. Mr. Zwane and the agricultural officials presented no business plan or budget for the project, but they and the mayor insisted on pressing ahead, Mr. Radebe said.
從一開始就「有點可疑」，福里德反對黨民主聯盟議員拉德比醫生說。拉德比說，茲瓦內先生和農業部官員沒有商業計劃，也沒有項目預算，可他們和市長堅持要推進。
The local municipality quickly decided to hand over 3,400 hectares, or about 8,400 acres, of land for the dairy farm.
當地市政府很快決定拿出3400公頃（8400英畝）土地建奶場。
In fact, the municipality was so determined to get the project underway that it compensated four white commercial farmers, who had been leasing the land for about $80,000 a year, in order to prematurely break their leases. Later that year, just before Mr. Zwane and his local choir left for India, on a trip sponsored by a Gupta company, the province leased the farm to Estina — rent-free, for 99 years.
事實上，市政府下了大決心推進項目，因此補貼了四名白人，他們以每年8萬美元的價格租下土地，目的是讓白人提前解除此前的租約。當年末，就在茲瓦內先生和當地的合唱團在古普塔公司的贊助下前往印度旅行前，該省將土地租給了愛斯蒂娜，不用付租金，99年。
In an interview, Mayor Motaung said, 「We had no doubt that the plan will work.」
But the mayor acknowledged that Mr. Zwane presented no detailed plan or document about the proposed dairy farm. Even basic details — like the criteria for selecting the beneficiaries — were missing, the mayor said, acknowledging that his role in the project was now under scrutiny.
接受採訪時，市長默唐說，「我們毫不懷疑計劃會奏效。」可市長承認，茲瓦內先生沒有提供細節或有關奶場的文件。市長說，甚至基本的細節，例如選擇受益人的標準等都沒有，他承認自己在該項目中扮演的角色正在受到調查。
The payments to Estina began months later. Court documents show that the province deposited just under $21 million in two Estina bank accounts over three years. Days after every payment, the company transferred the entire sum to other accounts. From there, prosecutors say, the money was withdrawn by individuals and other Gupta-linked companies that had little to do with the farm.
幾個月後，政府開始給愛斯蒂娜付款。法庭文件顯示，該省3年間將2100萬美元存在愛斯蒂娜的兩個銀行賬戶中。每次付款幾天後，公司都將所有款項轉到其他賬戶中去。檢察官說，與農場毫無關係的個人和其他古普塔關聯公司從那裡把錢提走。
In fact, prosecutors say that only about 1 percent of the money invested by the province actually went into dairy farming. Beyond that, the National Treasury found no evidence that Estina ever invested its own money in the project, despite its obligation to do so.
事實上，檢察官說，省里投資的錢只有1%進入奶場項目。另外，國家財政部發現沒有證據顯示愛斯蒂娜自己給項目投了錢，儘管它有義務這樣做。
Emails leaked from a Gupta company server indicate that some of the money was sent to the United Arab Emirates and put into accounts registered to the Guptas. The money then made its way back to South Africa through a maze of bank transfers, according to spreadsheets, logs and an invoice in the email trove.
古普塔公司伺服器泄露的電子郵件顯示，一些錢被匯到阿聯酋，放在古普塔註冊的賬戶中。電子數據表、賬目和電子郵件中的一張發票顯示，這些錢又通過複雜的銀行轉賬回到南非。
The emails, amounting to thousands of exchanges, were leaked last year to South African news organizations and an anti-corruption group. It is not known who leaked them, though they soon fanned national outrage at the Gupta family and at Mr. Zuma. The Guptas denied the authenticity of the emails, but some A.N.C. officials included in the correspondence confirmed that they were real.
去年記錄了數千條交易記錄的電子郵件被南非新聞媒體和反腐組織拿到，現在還不知道那是誰泄露的，儘管它們激起全國人民對古普塔家族和祖馬先生的憤慨。古普塔家族否認電子郵件的真實性，但聯繫人中的一些非國大官員承認那是真的。
In one of the emails, Gupta companies paid one another for expenses at a relative』s lavish four-day wedding in 2013, including fireworks, dancers, chocolates and scarves.
在一封郵件中，古普塔公司為2013年一名親戚長達4天的豪華婚禮埋單，其中包括煙火、舞隊、巧克力和圍巾。
In another exchange, KPMG, then an auditor of the Gupta companies, ignored a junior employee』s protest and allowed the Gupta family to write off some of the expenses at the wedding as business costs.
另一筆交易中，當時古普塔公司的審計者畢馬威無視初級僱員的抗議，允許古普塔家庭將部分婚禮花費記做商業成本。
「I have never been to an event like that,」 Moses Kgosana, a KPMG executive who attended the wedding, gushed to a Gupta brother in one of the emails, calling it 「an event of the millennium.」
「我從沒去見識過那麼大的場合，」參加婚禮的畢馬威高管莫斯·哥薩那在給古普塔兄弟的一封郵件中驚嘆，稱那是」千年一遇的場面「。
The accounting firm has since acknowledged that its actions 「fell well short of the quality expected.」
這家會計師公司承認其行為」沒有達到標準「。
Many of the problems surrounding the dairy farm could have been ignored had the province not tried to tap into a national fund for struggling farmers. The national government initially agreed to give about $4 million to the project on the condition that the province submit, among other things, a list of 100 poor farmers who would benefit from the farm.
如果該省不向旨在幫助貧苦農民的國家基金伸手，奶場的許多問題可能不會被發現。國家最開始同意給該項目拿400萬美元，條件是該省提交100名貧窮農民的名單，這些農民將從農場收益。
When the government found no evidence that local farmers were involved, it sent National Treasury auditors to investigate in 2013. Though Mr. Zwane, sometimes accompanied by his wife, had held meetings to look for beneficiaries, no official list had been drawn.
政府發現沒有證據顯示當地農民參與其中時，2013年派財政部審計人員展開調查。儘管茲瓦內先生，有時在妻子的陪伴下，的確召開了一些會議尋找受益人，但沒有拉出正式名單。
Ephraim Dhlamini arriving with livestock at an auction in Vrede. He said he was suspicious of the dairy farm project from the start. Joao Silva/The New York Times
After the auditors started asking questions, a list of beneficiaries — between 80 and 100, depending on the version — was hastily assembled.
審計人員開始審查後，受益人名單才草草拼湊出來，有80人到100人不等，具體要看是哪一個版本。
Some were genuine farmers. 「Others, they are not even farmers,」 Mr. Radebe said, adding that many were A.N.C. supporters. 「They don』t even have a cat.」
其中一些是真農民，」也有人甚至都不是農民「，拉德比先生說，許多人是非國大的支持者。」他們甚至連一隻貓都沒有。「
Estina did try its hand at dairy farming in Vrede. When the National Treasury』s investigators visited in 2013, they found about 350 cows and some buildings under construction. But the seemingly inflated costs — including $215,000 for a manually sliding gate and a guardhouse — drew scrutiny from the opposition party.
愛斯蒂娜確實推動了福里德的奶場項目。當財政部調查人員2013年開始調查時，他們發現350頭牛，一些建築正在施工。但明顯注水的成本遭到反對黨的仔細審查，其中包括一個手動拉門和警衛室，價值21.5萬美元。
And while the beneficiaries were supposedly the farm』s owners, they were never informed of the project』s developments. They were not even allowed to visit the premises.
雖說受益人應該是農場的所有者，可他們壓根就不知道項目的進展情況。他們甚至都不允許到那裡去。
Those who were serious about farming started to complain. At a meeting with officials in the provincial government, Mr. Dhlamini and Mr. Ncongwane, of the African Farmers Association, said that when they raised questions about the project, they were dismissed as noisy 「frogs.」
那些對此事較真的人開始抱怨。在和省政府官員的一次會議上，非洲農民聯合會的德拉米尼先生和孔維恩先生表示，他們對項目提出疑議，他們被貶斥為吵嚷的」青蛙「。
That especially stung Mr. Dhlamini, who once was the only black South African business owner in Vrede. He ran a small record store called 「Siyathuthuka,」 or 「We』re moving forward,」 in the Zulu language, but was forced to shutter his store because of rising rents. He was now focused full time on farming and owned 35 cows.
那尤其傷讓德拉米尼傷心，德拉米尼曾經是福里德唯一的南非黑人企業主。他有一家」我們向前進「的小唱片店，祖魯語是」Siyathuthuka「，但後來被迫關了店，因為租金上漲。他現在全職務農，有35頭牛。
In early 2014, the National Treasury sent a scathing report to Mr. Magashule, the premier of Free State, and told the province to stop paying Estina. But it took Free State another six months to take the farm back. The province even continued to pay Estina another $11 million after officially terminating the contract, court documents show.
2019年初，財政部向自由邦省長馬咖舒樂發了一份言辭激烈的報告，讓該省停止給愛斯蒂娜付款。但自由邦用了6個月才把農場收回。法庭文件顯示，該省在正式終止合同後又向愛斯蒂娜支付了1100萬美元。
Willie Basson, right, is the main government contractor in Vrede and helped build the dairy farm. He said the business was so badly mismanaged that he ended up having to dig graves for as many as 100 cows.Joao Silva/The New York Times
In the end, a project meant to empower black farmers like Mr. Dhlamini further enriched the Guptas and one of the wealthiest white men in Vrede, Willie Basson. With a fleet of vehicles, construction equipment and billboards advertising his business all over town, Mr. Basson is the main government contractor in Vrede and helped build the dairy farm.
到頭來，一個旨在給德拉米尼先生這樣的黑人農民賦權的項目進一步肥富了古普塔家族和福里德最富裕的白人之一威利·巴森。巴森先生有一個車隊，有建築設備，全鎮各處的廣告牌都在宣傳他家的生意，他是福里德主要政府合同商，並參與建造奶場。
But he said that Estina mismanaged the business so badly that he ended up having to dig graves for as many as 100 cows, even though he had delivered feed for them.
但他表示愛斯蒂娜管理水平太差，最後只好為100頭牛掘墳，儘管他給牛餵了草。
「They just do projects like this to get money,」 he said in an interview in his office. 「That』s how they operate, but, luckily, they paid me every cent,」 Mr. Basson said.
「Hey! It』s rotten in this place here,」 he exclaimed, pounding on the table in front of him. 「And we work with all of them, so we know.」
」他們就是做這種項目撈錢，「他在辦公室接受採訪時說。」他們就這樣運作的，但好在他們一分錢也沒少給我，「巴森先生說。」這個地方爛透了，「他捶著面前的桌子說。」我們和他們打交道，我們懂。「
Andisiwe Mlaba outside her home in Warden. Her father, Vusi Mlaba, a member of the Democratic Alliance who spoke out against corruption in Free State, was gunned down nearby. Joao Silva/The New York Times
Ignoring Alarms
It was a measure of how corrupt South Africa had become a generation after the end of apartheid that nothing was done about the Vrede dairy farm case for years. The national police and prosecutors looked away even after the National Treasury raised alarms about the project.
種族隔離結束過去了一代人時間，南非如何變得如此腐敗，福里德奶場一案數年來都沒有進展就說明了問題。連國家財政部對該項目提出警示後，國家的警察和檢察官也敢撒手不管。
In Free State, some who spoke out against public corruption were suddenly killed in circumstances that, even in a country with widespread violent crime, aroused suspicions.
在自由邦，有人公開抗議政府腐敗，他們會突然在某些場合被殺，即便在一個充滿暴力犯罪的國家，都會讓人產生懷疑。
Moses Tshake, a provincial government auditor who inquired about projects in the agriculture department, was killed in a carjacking in 2013. In Warden, a town where Mr. Zwane has a large home, Vusi Mlaba, a politician who had campaigned against corruption in public housing, was fatally shot a dozen times just outside his home in 2016. Police investigations resulted in no arrests in either case.
省政府審計官莫西·沙克曾質疑農業部的這個項目，他2013年在一次汽車搶劫中被殺。茲瓦內先生在沃登有一所大房子，當地政客烏斯·馬拉巴呼籲反對公共住宅腐敗，2016年，在家門口，馬拉巴連中十多槍死亡。警方調查了兩個案件，卻沒有逮捕任何人。
As for Mr. Zwane, the dairy farm hardly hurt his career.
至於茲瓦內先生，奶場項目幾乎對他的事業沒有影響。
During Mr. Zuma』s presidency, the Gupta brothers increasingly acquired economic and political influence by forging close ties with the president, his son and political allies like Mr. Magashule, the provincial premier who endorsed the dairy farm project.
在祖馬先生任總統期間，古普塔兄弟獲得越來越多的經濟和政治影響力，他和總統、總統兒子和批准奶場項目的省長馬咖舒樂等政治盟友打造了親密的關係。
The Guptas』 influence, and possibly direct role, in the appointment of ministers and other important government officials has been investigated by the Public Protector and is expected to be a focus of a recently begun government inquiry into public corruption.
古普塔的影響力以及在任命部長和其他重要政府官員事務上的直接作用受到南非公共保護人的調查，預計將成為最近政府反腐的焦點。
In August 2015, according to the leaked emails, Tony Gupta, the youngest of the three brothers, forwarded Mr. Zwane』s résumé to Duduzane Zuma, one of the president』s sons, who was a director of many companies operated by the Guptas.
2015年8月，泄露的郵件顯示，三兄弟中最小的托尼·古普塔將茲瓦內先生的簡歷送給總統的一個兒子杜杜扎內·祖馬，後者是古普塔眾多公司中的一個負責人。
Two months later, Mr. Zwane, whose highest qualification is a teacher』s diploma, became South Africa』s new minister of mineral resources, one of the most important — and potentially lucrative — portfolios.
兩個月後，只有一個教師證的茲瓦內先生成為南非新任礦產資源部部長，這是最重要、可能是最有油水的部長職務。
Shortly after his appointment, Mr. Zwane went to Zurich with Tony Gupta and met with an executive from Glencore, the giant international commodities and mining firm. At the time, the Guptas were trying to buy a Glencore coal mine. In a 2016 report on corruption, the Public Protector called Mr. Zwane』s lobbying in Switzerland 「potentially unlawful.」
任命後不久，茲瓦內先生去蘇黎世與托尼·古普塔會面，並會見了國際商品和礦產公司嘉能可公司的高管。當時，古普塔兄弟正準備購買嘉能可的一個煤礦。2016年的反腐報告上，公共保護人認為茲瓦內先生在瑞士的遊說行為」可能是非法的「。
The top A.N.C. officials at a party conference in Johannesburg in December, from left: Jessie Duarte, Mr. Magashule, Gwede Mantashe, President Cyril Ramaphosa, Deputy President David Mabuza and Paul Mashatile. Mujahid Safodien/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images
The 『Premier League』
Last December, A.N.C. delegates from all over the country chose Mr. Magashule, Free State』s longtime premier, as the party』s secretary general — one of the top four positions in the party.
去年12月，非國大全國代表選擇自由邦老省長馬咖舒樂先生擔任該黨秘書長，這是黨內四個最高職務之一。
Mr. Magashule had been one of Mr. Zuma』s fiercest backers, along with two other provincial premiers who became known in the South African news media as the 「premier league.」 They had endorsed Mr. Zuma』s chosen candidate as the A.N.C.』s next president.
馬咖舒樂先生曾是祖馬先生的堅定支持者，他同另外兩名省長被南非新聞媒體成為」省長聯盟「。他們支持祖馬選擇的非國大下一任主席候選人。
But, at the last minute, one of the premiers, David Mabuza, switched sides, handing a narrow victory to Mr. Ramaphosa. Afterward, Mr. Ramaphosa made Mr. Mabuza — whose province, Mpumalanga, became known for political killings and endemic corruption during Mr. Mabuza』s decade as premier — the nation』s deputy president.
但最後一刻，省長大衛·馬布扎叛變了，這讓拉馬福薩先生險勝。然後，拉馬福薩任命馬布扎為副總統，馬布扎原來所在的姆普馬蘭加省以政治謀殺和塌方式腐敗著稱。
With a new president in charge, the national police and prosecutors have started moving against some individuals involved in the dairy farm case. Eight people were charged with fraud, and others had their assets linked to the farm frozen. But a judge released most of the frozen assets in March. The next court hearing in the criminal case is scheduled for August.
新總統上任，國家警察和檢察官開始調查奶場案件中的一些人。8人被控欺詐，還有一些人在農場的資產被凍結。但3月，一名法官解凍了大部分資產。下一場法院聽證會計劃8月舉行。
Mr. Zwane, who was not appointed to Mr. Ramaphosa』s new cabinet, has kept out of the public eye in recent weeks. Neither he nor Mr. Magashule has shown any willingness to answer questions about the dairy farm from the news media or Parliament — reinforcing the public perception that A.N.C. officials are above the law.
茲瓦內先生沒有在拉馬福薩的新內閣中獲得職位，最近幾周，他淡出公眾視野。他和馬咖舒樂先生都沒有意願回答新聞媒體或議會針對奶場的問題，這讓公眾進一步確信非國大官員凌駕在法律之上。
「We expect, and the public expects, that they should take responsibility for what has happened. We are waiting to hear what they have to say, because we don』t expect people in such positions to be absentee landlords,」 said Mathole Motshekga, a senior A.N.C. official who is a member of the party』s decision-making body, the national executive committee, and is also chairman of Parliament』s justice committee.
」我們期待，公眾也期待，他們能為發生的事負起責任。我們等著看他們怎麼說，因為我們不想看著身居高位的人成為袖手旁觀的地主老爺，「非國大高級官員、國家行政委員會決策層成員、議會司法委員會主席馬索爾·摩茨舍加說。
But many have given up on the A.N.C. Though the money lost in the dairy farm paled in comparison to the scale of corruption inside South Africa』s state-owned enterprises, it resonated deeply across the nation. Government money meant to help poor farmers simply vanished, the way it does across South Africa, and so far none of the A.N.C. officials in charge at the local or provincial levels have been held to account.
但許多人放棄了非國大。儘管奶場損失的錢和南非國有企業內部的貪腐相比不值一提，但在全國的影響很大。政府的錢本來是要幫助貧窮的農民，結果就這麼蒸發了，在南非全國各處都是如此，到目前為止，沒有一名非國大的地方或省級主管官員出來負責。
As Mr. Ramaphosa pledges to clean up the South Africa he has inherited from Mr. Zuma, this case will test his capacity to do just that. A spokeswoman for Mr. Ramaphosa said he was unavailable for interviews.
拉馬羅薩先生承諾要清理他從祖馬先生那裡繼承到的南非，這個案子就能證明他的能力。拉馬羅薩先生的一名發言人說他不能接受採訪。
One of the would-be beneficiaries, Adam Khatide, 55, retired early from his teaching job believing that the Vrede dairy farm would take off. In the fallout, he lost faith in the power of his vote.
55歲的亞當·卡迪德是其中一位所謂的受益人，他曾當過老師，早就退休了，他曾相信福里德的奶場大有希望。到頭來，他對自己投票的權力失去了信心。
「It』s voting for nothing,」 he said. 「Just taking people, putting them in office, and then they eat money.」
」我的投票毫無用處，「他說。」選了人，讓他們進入政府，然後他們開始貪污。「
When democracy arrived for black people in 1994, Mr. Khatide drove elderly neighbors to voting stations, where they elected Mr. Mandela as the first president of the new South Africa.
1994年，黑人獲得民主時，卡迪德開車將老夥計們拉到投票站，他們選舉曼德拉先生為南非第一任總統。
「We managed to bring democracy, which is not working for us now. It』s working for individuals,」 Mr. Khatide said, laughing. 「I cannot cry. When I』m crying, it』s just the same. It』s better I must laugh.」
」我們設法實現民主，現在民主對我們一無是處，只對個別人有好處，「卡迪德笑著說。」我不能哭，我哭也改變不了什麼。我最好還是笑。「
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